INS: Journal Of Napoleonic Scholarship 1998


Notes


A military bull in a diplomatic China shop: General Jean Lannes's mission to Lisbon 1802-1804

Margaret Chrisawn
1996 INS Graduate Literary Prize Winner

Originally published in Selected papers of the Consortium on Revolutionary Europe, 1996

"How can anyone ever hope to listen to this minister, who begins every conversation with the most outrageous threats?" - de Souza to Talleyrand

First Consul Napoleon Bonaparte lacked a sizable contingent of experienced diplomats, especially chargés d'affaires and legation secretaries during the early years of the Consulate. However, he had the accomplished, urbane, and wily Talleyrand as his Minister of Foreign Affairs. As clever as he was, Talleyrand could not handle diplomacy single-handed. Expanding French interests required immediate placement of French representatives in major capitals to protect and advance those interests, often in overtly hostile environments. Therefore Bonaparte filled some posts with men whom many European diplomats considered either unsuitable, inept, or simply ludicrous. He frequently chose general officers in the French army who had served with distinction, who were his friends, or who were likely candidates for their postings for a variety of undiplomatic reasons. [1]

General of division Jean Lannes was an officer with a splendid military record, he was a close friend of the First Consul's, and he became an ambassador for reasons that were not entirely diplomatic. As a reward for outstanding military service, Bonaparte appointed Lannes commandant of the Consular Guard in April 1801. This position had its perquisites, and Lannes received some rather vague spending guidelines for the Guard and himself as commandant. The former semi-illiterate poor boy from a rural village in Gascony had little financial sense during this stage of his career, and he believed Bonaparte had given him carte blanche. He bought a splendid house, fully furnished, on the rue Saint-Dominique for himself, and equally splendid uniforms and weapons for the Guard.


Jean Lannes
General Jean Lannes

Soon his expenditures totaled more than 300,000 francs. The bills that Lannes submitted appalled the First Consul. He declared he had never authorized Lannes to spend such amounts, and gave the commandant three weeks to repay the entire amount or face a court-martial. Lannes protested vehemently, addressing Bonaparte in the familiar, as he did all his life, interspersing his familiarity with grenadier oaths, insisting that the First Consul had authorized everything. Possibly Bonaparteıs memory was faulty or merely convenient, or probably Lannes misunderstood or disregarded his orders. In any case, the commandant had no recourse but to repay the money. Lannes had limited financial resources; even the sale of the new house and all its contents would not bring in half the sum owed. However, he had a friend with considerable money, more than enough to cover the debt. General Pierre-François Augereau, his comrade from campaigns in the Pyrenees and Italy, willingly lent him the money. Lannes paid off his debts and Bonaparte named General Jean-Baptiste Bessières as the new commandant. The First Consul apparently was also beginning to think that Lannes was a social liability at the newly aristocratic consular court. He decided he should find him a place outside France where he could serve the interests of the French government and recoup his financial losses. Under such bizarre circumstances, the disgraced former commandant became Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy Extraordinary to the court of Lisbon. [2]

Portugal and England enjoyed a symbiotic political and commercial relationship cemented by treaties beginning in 1346, making this the longest-running European alliance. England had dominated for the last three centuries, offering protection from incursions-real and imagined-by Spain and France in exchange for commercial privileges with Portugal and its lucrative colonial possessions. The Portuguese allowed British factories to function independently within their borders, complaining only when they became too greedy or too powerful. The British also lent military aid, training Portuguese troops and often serving as their commanders. British influence prevailed at court, in spite of sporadic objections by suspicious aristocrats. During the wars of the French Revolution, however, the British factories suffered, British influence bogged down in a morass of intrigue and indecision, and the long-standing alliance showed signs of undergoing some sort of sea-change. [3]

Military and diplomatic events intervened to restore the traditional Anglo-Portuguese balance when Spain, the new French ally, invaded Portugal to close that nation's ports to the English. The ludicrous War of the Oranges resulted. The Spanish did not really want to fight, since Charles IV's daughter, the strong-willed and unattractive Carlota Joaquina, had married Dom Joĕo of Portugal. The armies of both countries were also singularly ill-equipped to pursue a serious military campaign. To bolster Portugalıs military chances, Sir John Jarvis, the future Lord St. Vincent, sailed his fleet into Lisbon in December 1796, safeguarding English interests and lending his naval weight to the Portuguese cause. He was supported at the time by Dom Diego Pina Manique, Minister of Customs and Intendant-general of police. However, after the conflict with Spain ended, the Portuguese nobility and ministers failed to agree on a uniform policy, argued along pro-and anti-British lines, or simply contented themselves with political intrigues and no firm policy at all. [4]

The Prince of Brazil, Dom João, became Prince Regent in 1792 when his mother, Queen Maria I, degenerated into insanity. Dom João himself inspired little confidence. He was so lethargic, superstitious, unattractive, and shy that even his wife soon learned to despise and then ignore him. The Prince Regent preferred the isolated hunting palace of Mafra to the court in Lisbon. He spent as much time there as he could, leaving affairs of state to his ministers and political plots to his scheming wife. [5]

To further complicate the situation, a group of French émigrés occupied prominent positions in Portuguese government and social circles. The marquis de Viomésnil commanded four regiments of some 3,000 émigrés who proudly wore their Ancien Régime decorations and had their salaries and uniforms supplied by the British government. The marquis de Novion supervised the Lisbon police under Pina Manique's protection. The marquis de Coigny represented the interests of Louis XVIII, communicating with the Prince Regent through British diplomatic representatives. [6]

The First Consul appointed Lannes ambassador by an order on 14 November 1801. The post paid an annual salary of 80,000 francs and carried with it several commercial advantages that, if Lannes exploited them cleverly, would retire his debt to Augereau. Bonaparte's instructions to Lannes were specific in their overall intentions, but not about how the general-diplomat should carry them out: "The First Consul charges General Lannes to cultivate the cordial relations and commerce that the recently concluded peace has established between the French Republic and Portugal." To make the appointment more palatable, Talleyrand added some flowery phrases about Lannes's "brilliant services," and how the court at Lisbon was getting "one of [Franceıs] most distinguished officers" as ambassador. Lannes did not feel brilliant or distinguished. He felt hurt and betrayed by Bonaparte's actions, and he made no secret of his opinions, which he loudly voiced over several dinner tables in Paris, including Joseph Bonaparte's. [7]

Lannes had work to do before leaving Paris. The legation in Lisbon had a skeleton staff and the new minister had no place to live. Lannes spent the winter of 1801-1802 selecting a residence and organizing a staff. He made at least two good personnel choices. For his secretary of legation, he chose Jean-François Fitte de Soucy, son of a suicidal Ancien Régime aristocrat. The younger Fitte had supported the Revolution and became Lannes's close friend during the Italian campaign. He also had valuable diplomatic experience that he offered to share with his inexperienced superior. Lannes requested that his personal secretary, Alexandre Heim, join the embassy staff. Heim's qualifications included impeccable grammar, spelling, and a flawless penmanship; these attributes contrasted strongly with the ambassador's cheerful disregard for such niceties. Lannes also took his aide-de-camp, Captain Jacques Subervie, and other young officers who, like their general, were much more accustomed to military camps than salons and diplomatic receptions. [8]

Lannes did not just arrive in Lisbon on 26 March 1802; he made an entrance that exceeded Bonaparte's expectations, exasperated the British diplomatic delegation, and worried the French émigrés. Le Moniteur reported that the new ambassador was well-received by the Portuguese court, who expressed its satisfaction with the First Consul's choice, and that Lannes reminded the French merchants in Lisbon that their conduct must set a good example. British newspapers took a less charitable view. "Greater honors were paid to [Lannes] than are generally rendered to the diplomatic rank which he holds, he being only envoy and minister plenipotentiary." Having royal coaches wait on Lannes's arrival from noon to ten at night also demonstrated "unprecedented honors." When Lannes presented his diplomatic credentials on 29 March to the Prince Regent at Queluz, "never were such pains taken to receive, in the most marked and magnificent manner, any foreign ambassador."[9] The British ambassador, John Hookham Frere, had not received such a welcome, which annoyed him. Hookham Frere also noted that the new French minister brought gifts guaranteed to dazzle and excite envy among the diplomatic community. Such ostentation might win Lannes cheap popularity, the British ambassador thought, but he appeared completely ignorant of the finer points of diplomatic finesse, the intricacies of protocol and court manners, and worse, he did not even care about his appalling deficiencies. [10] Lannes had instructions to advance French interests by whatever means the situation called for. Since he was first and last a military man, the diplomatic corps and the Portuguese court believed he meant to do it at the point of his sword. Lannes's sword rapidly became the visible symbol of his mission, remarked on by contemporary French, British and Portuguese observers alike. He wore his sabre at all times, refusing to replace it with a smaller, decorative one for court appearances. Noticing immediately what sort of effect it had on the timid Prince Regent, for instance, Lannes seemed to take a perverse pleasure in dragging it through the halls of various Portuguese palaces and scaring Dom João into submission. Dom João later said that Lannes "used to carry a very large saber, which made a great deal of noise as he came up stairs." Obviously, the "great saber," with its ability to accelerate diplomatic business, left a ³profound impression in the memory of the Prince." [11]

Facing a long tradition of Anglo-Portuguese friendship, a weak Prince Regent, inimical Portuguese ministers, a British ambassador acting under specific instructions and used to the diplomatic milieu, and émigrés enjoying favored status, even the most accomplished French diplomat would be in difficult circumstances. Lannes was definitely not accomplished, and he had only imprecise instructions and his own prejudices to guide him. The First Consul charged him to protect French interests and advance them at the expense of the British, and he would do that. He positively despised the English, and he would take every opportunity to humiliate, undercut, and negate them. He hated émigrés even more; to the republican general, they were the worst form of traitor, and during his military career he had dealt harshly with them. He held professional diplomats in contempt, and thought ministers were a useless subspecies, especially when their interests conflicted with his. Lannes understood very well what his rights and honors were as the French Republic's representative, and the slightest show of lèse-majesté on anyoneıs part guaranteed his violent reaction.

Lannes met the inimical Minister of Foreign Affairs, Dom João de Almeida Mello e Castro, on 25 March, and then the Prince Regent at Queluz four days later. Lannes dismissed Almeida as "an English pawn and an intriguer [who] lies to the Prince Regent." In a letter to Almeida shortly after his audience, Lannes insisted that the émigré regiments leave Portugal, that all French goods have duty-free entry, and that Dom João dismiss Pina Manique at once. He added that he would converse directly with the Prince Regent, since the Portuguese ministers were impossible. Dealing with Dom João directly might be a mixed blessing, since Lannes already dismissed him as "a total nonentity. His only occupation is hunting and his only pleasure is singing to lute accompaniment and being praised for his performance." [12]

The precise procedures of diplomacy-the endless requirements for straightforward intentions to hide behind meaningless civilities and excesses of politesse-escaped Lannes completely. He never learned the art of dissimulation. As the observant and often acerbic duchesse d'Abrantès wrote, "[Lannes] did not understand the art of disguising his sentiments, and he expressed them with all the frankness of his character. One may readily suppose that in the midst of a foreign court, where obsequious manners are above all things considered a duty, [he] would appear somewhat singular." Singular or not, the apparent risks to his honest, unembellished dispatches were quite clear to him, however. Within three days of his arrival in Lisbon, he informed Talleyrand of the problem. "It's already obvious my official dispatches are compromised, since the courier must travel across both Portugal and Spain. Even if I use ciphers there's no guarantee my dispatches will reach France intact and unread." [13]

By the end of that first week, the new ambassador also realized he disliked Lisbon intensely. Writing to Bonaparte, Lannes complained:

[Portugal] is the most expensive country in Europe; even the most basic necessities are exorbitant... The government is nothing and England is everything. To put our interests on an equal basis with the British, [I must] wage a perpetual war with the Portuguese cabinet, whose members have no concept of loyalty and no idea of honest dealings with the representative of a powerful nation. The only things you see in Lisbon are petty intrigues and chicanery, and here I am in a position diametrically opposed to my character... You offered me the post at Constantinople before I left Paris; now I see that would have been a much better choice. [14]

Lannes reserved most of his invective for Pina Manique. He declared immediate war on this individual, who persecuted the French ambassador at every turn. The instant animosity arose from Pina Manique's office as minister of customs and his policy of ignoring the accepted practice allowing newly-accredited ambassadors to bring in duty-free the cargo carried in their ships. Although Dom João promised Lannes to honor this custom and although Lannes had transferred this privilege to the French merchants in Lisbon for 400,000 francs, Pina Manique detained the ship and all its contents. Not only was the French ambassador deprived of his profits, he also had to do without all of his personal clothing. Pina Manique held everything up in customs and threatened to imprison anyone trying to remove this "contraband." Legation secretary Fitte noted that "the bizarre Portuguese customs allow duly accredited representatives to be detained as if they were prisoners. One cannot, as a result, obtain the necessities of life without a special order from the Portuguese ministry. So many things are arbitrarily prohibited. [15]

Lannes received personal audiences with the Prince Regent, chiefly through threats, insistence, and undiplomatic behavior. Dom João's command of French was so shaky that he never understood much of what Lannes said to him. The poor communication resulted because Lannes spoke as he fought-impetuously, rapidly, coarsely, without finesse, and right in Dom João's face. Almeida, present during most of these early audiences, told Hookham Frere the "impetuosity...that distinguished [Lannes] as a military man is always on the point of breaking out, and his ignorance of the common forms of good company give him an air of violence and arrogance." Subjected to such a verbal onslaught, the Prince Regent therefore agreed to several demands of which he remained ignorant, until Almeidaıs timely intercession. The minister did not like Lannes personally or professionally, and did everything possible to ignore the French ambassador's demands. In close contact with the Portuguese ambassador to France, Dom José Maria de Souza, Almeida reported to him that "General Lannes has had nothing but disagreements with the Prince Regent; the general has voiced complaint after complaint, made threat after threat.... [We] are more than willing to accede to his reasonable requests, but we see that he ignores our wishes, misconstrues our intentions, scorns our customs, and refuses to accept ministers as intermediaries but insists on meeting with the Prince Regent directly." [16]

Almeida suggested that de Souza and Talleyrand handle discussions in Paris and ignore Lannes altogether. He also announced that Dom João would not dismiss Pina Manique, and while Portugal would offer France "most favored nation status," there would be nothing more. Dom João did agree to one of Lannes's demands, however. In June, the émigré regiments commanded by the marquis de Viomésnil sailed for England, although the marquis remained in Lisbon for another year. The marquis de Coigny also faded from Portuguese diplomatic circles as the representative of Louis XVIII.

In spite of these limited successes and the value of his position as representative of the French government, Lannes still had a long way to go to secure the advantages that were an integral part of his diplomatic mission. Realizing exactly how the situation stood, he informed Talleyrand:

All the Portuguese ministers are servilely devoted to England. The Prince Regent might favor us if only he dared, but I can bring him around only through the firmest language and the most unrestrained efforts... I knew everything depended on first impressions, and if I had hesitated in the slightest, it would be a long time before our influence here could be restored. I believe I'll succeed in the end. Besides, I canıt endure my current position for very long-everywhere I look I see nothing but enemies. [17]

The British government adopted a low profile for the moment, but the real problems come from the Portuguese, who delayed honoring the provisions of the Treaty of Madrid in either the letter or the spirit. Not only did Lannes have to contend with inimical Portuguese officials in Lisbon but he also had enemies in Paris. Neither de Souza nor Talleyrand wanted Lannes to succeed for their own reasons, and both would strike lucrative deals to see that he failed. They gained financially but did not achieve their diplomatic goal. De Souza frequently denounced Lannesıs conduct to Talleyrand, who naturally relayed these comments to Bonaparte. The Portuguese minister also covered for his less-than-honest compatriots when it suited him. Talleyrand was considerably enriched during Lannes's diplomatic mission by some four million francs, a "bribe" paid by the Portuguese to keep Lannes out of their country. Against such nefarious activities Lannes had no recourse but to act as he normally did: honestly, bluntly, and dealing with the behind-the-scenes machinations head-on. Ironically, Lannes won out. He knew all about these financial transactions. "It's obvious that Talleyrand has received money from the Portuguese minister [de Souza] to keep me out of Lisbon," he wrote to Bonaparte. Later, Claude Méneval, one of the First Consul's officials, heard Lannes remark, "What idiots! If theyıd just offered me half that amount, Iıd never have gone back!" [18]

Because of the volatile temper of the French ambassador, only one or two judiciously staged incidents arranged by Portuguese officials might end his unwanted presence. Pina Manique was delighted to oblige. The victim of his attentions was not Lannes himself but his aide-de-camp Subervie, who decided to take a late evening stroll through the streets of Lisbon, dressed in civilian clothes. Challenged by police patrols, Subervie refused to submit to their heavy-handed questioning, and a brawl resulted. "They tried to assassinate him! Heıs alive only though blind luck!" Lannes exaggerated. The patrol hauled Subervie before the marquis de Novion, who apologized and released him. Lannes refused to let the incident go. He blamed everything on Pina Manique and insisted that Dom João dismiss his minister or he would demand his passports and leave Portugal. Vacillating as usual, Dom João promised, only to back down in the face of ministerial opposition. Lannes prepared to make good his threat, although the prince tried to calm him down. Acting as intermediary, the papal nuncio Galeppi pointed out that if Lannes left without taking formal leave of the court, his action would be a severe diplomatic rupture. Lannes responded, "Well, it would be! I intend it to be a declaration of war." [19]

Lannes refused to be misunderstood. He informed the Prince Regent once again of his grievances. He haphazardly intermixed what he considered personal insults "to me and mine" with grave offenses against the French Republic. Dom João tried to placate the irate ambassador, afraid of his threatened departure, but did nothing specific to avoid it. Almeida responded with platitudes while he kept Paris informed. In a last major fit of pique, Lannes grabbed his credentials and left Lisbon on 10 August, scarcely five months after his much-heralded arrival. [20]

In Paris, de Souza was positively gleeful. Instructed by his government to tell the whole story, he informed Talleyrand that Lannes had been looking for an excuse to leave Portugal from the beginning, and the "Subervie incident" served as the perfect vehicle. De Souza conveniently forgot to mention that the Lisbon police might have been at fault or that Pina Manique had exceeded his authority. He passed along Almeida's version of events, saying he was "embarrassed and perplexed" by Lannes's departure, while the Prince Regent called it "abrupt and unconventional." Talleyrand heard all he needed. He reported to Bonaparte that the French ambassador to Portugal was on his way home, but the First Consul already knew. Hookham Frere sighed with relief, and reported "the alarm which the general's departure has occasioned is now much diminished, and the general opinion and expectation is that since this affair may be attributed solely to the intemperance of [Lannes's] character, it is not likely to lead to any important consequences." [21]

The Portuguese government, galvanized into action, sent dispatches to Paris and tried to intercept the precipitant ambassador. At the first relay station, Lannes found that the Portuguese meant to refuse him fresh horses and to persuade him to return to Lisbon. Furious, Lannes drew his sword and demanded horses, and the station-master had no choice but to obey. Meanwhile, Talleyrand had been very busy, giving the First Consul a carefully edited version of events. The result of this activity meant that the returning ambassador had to remain at Vitry-sur-Seine, just south of Orléans, by the First Consulıs order. Talleyrand, never missing an opportunity to press a sore point, wrote to Lannes that Bonaparte "disapproves of your conduct...and wishes you to remain at Vitry, [since] he will not see you until this situation is resolved." Bonaparte corresponded directly with Talleyrand, mincing few words:

Citizen Lannes, minister plenipotentiary of the Republic to Lisbon, was wrong to leave that city. He violated all the usages, all the forms [of diplomacy], and lacked the primary requisite of a public official-not to abandon his post without specific orders from his own government...M. de Almeida is also guilty of malfeasance, [although] the French minister's imperious manner and brusque departure from the court of Lisbon is equally to blame...[Almeida] has compromised the peace in Europe and should therefore be recalled. We insist that he be replaced. [22]

Forbidden to come to Paris, Lannes remained in exile for several weeks. Aware of the convoluted and subtle negotiations going on above his head, he could do nothing about them. "Please listen me! What I say should convince you more than de Souza's letter Talleyrand has had for at least two days. I've done only what honor and the interests of state required," he wrote, but Bonaparte refused to listen just then. [23] Stung by Bonaparte's continued refusal to see him and the unjust [to him] denunciation of his conduct, Lannes remained in a diplomatic and personal limbo. Eventually he received permission to come to Paris, although his fate as ambassador was far from certain.

The British also hoped that Lannes's career as a diplomat was over. Hookham Frere wrote, "It has been reported of late that General Lannes was to return to this place in his official capacity, but Almeida assures me that he does not believe there exists any such intention at Paris." However, Almeida's role as decision-maker and British protégé was uncertain. Bonaparte, sifting through the conflicting reports and cutting through the diplomatic obfuscation, believed what Lannes had to say. He continued to insist that Dom João dismiss Almeida. Even Talleyrand told de Souza that the Portuguese governmentıs evasive answers on this score were unreasonable and unwarranted. [24] Although Almeida's dismissal was several months away, the damage had been done.

The two governments agreed finally that Lannes would return to Lisbon as ambassador in the spring of 1803. Dom João had declared he would cheerfully sacrifice both Almeida and de Souza rather than have this irascible ambassador back in Portugal. Bonaparte reassured the Prince Regent, adding the polite lie that although Lannes had been ill since returning to Paris, he was now well and anxious to resume his diplomatic duties. Bonaparte adopted a sterner tone with Lannes, although his admonitions were less harsh than they could have been:

You must use moderation in all circumstances and conform to the customs and usages of the country. See the ministers and confer with them, act with prudence and the good manners of the country in which you are residing... I am writing to you personally to counsel prudence, moderation. and a pacific demeanor... Talk as little as possible to the Prince Regent about state affairs because it gains you nothing. He wrote to me complaining about scenes you made at the palace...[You must] calm down. [25]

Lannes's view of the matter was more direct. "I left Portugal," he wrote to Talleyrand, "because the ministers who ran the country were completely devoted to England, preventing me from pursuing the directives the First Consul gave me. I came back because those same ministers promised to let bygones be bygones, and because the First Consul personally authorized me to force them to make good on their promises." [26] Lannes meant business to be as usual in Lisbon when he returned on 10 March 1803.

Hookham Frere left Portugal shortly after Lannes's undiplomatic departure. The new ambassador, Lord Robert Stephen Fitzgerald, spelled immediate trouble for Lannes, since he held the same unrelenting animosity toward the French that Lannes had for the British. Fitzgerald was a career diplomat, an aristocrat, courtly, and urbane. He had a "large and tactless wife, a big family, and no money," [27]

but he had the unqualified backing of his government and the sympathy of many Portuguese. Since the two diplomats seemed headed for a collision, the Portuguese court and the French and British governments held their collective breaths and waited for the fireworks to begin.

The Prince Regent, his ministers, and the court left Lisbon for the palace of Salva Terra to spend the Lenten season. Fitzgerald believed Dom João meant this royal peregrination "to allow the bustle which General Lannes's return may create to pass off with as little notice as possible." He added that Dom João also promised him that he would not permit Lannes to visit any of his private residences, and restrict him to the "ordinary channels of [diplomatic] communications." The Prince Regent moved again, returning to Queluz on 14 March. This brought him within striking distance of the French ambassador, who was more than ready. Not really expecting the situation to improve, with Almeida still holding his post and the Prince Regent under his spell, Lannes wrote to Bonaparte that the Portuguese government appeared in no hurry to redress previous wrongs. He added that "almost all the diplomatic corps are at war with Almeida." [28]

Fitzgerald expected Lannes to demand an audience with Dom João immediately, but the ambassador waited until 18 March. Instead of requesting a meeting, Lannes went uninvited and unannounced to Queluz with a list of demands, only to find that the court had returned to the palace of Bem Porto in Lisbon. Lannes left his letter with servants at Queluz, who dutifully sent it on. The Prince Regent spent several days debating whether to open it or send it back unread. Finally he read it and granted Lannes an audience. While the French ambassador was reiterating his demands for Portuguese neutrality, Almeida's dismissal, and equal status for the French Republic in the Prince Regent's eyes, Fitzgerald met with Almeida. They discussed the effects of the probable rupture of the Peace of Amiens and the resulting diplomatic and commercial losses for Great Britain and loss of independence for Portugal. Not surprisingly, Almeida confided that "the language of the French minister toward England [is] extremely hostile." Fitzgerald expected something definite, something in character from Lannes, but he had to be satisfied with the standard performances:

[Lannes] has not yet made any direct overtures...to any of the Prince Regent's ministers, but there is an oddity and a mystery in his behavior which surprises and alarms them... Twice he has launched forth into harangues on public affairs [to the Prince Regent], to the great annoyance and embarrassment of Dom João, who expresses himself but imperfectly in the French language and who is remarkably reserved and timid in his address to strangers... [Lannes] seems to take a peculiar satisfaction in rendering himself conspicuous by the absurdity of his language and his general conduct. [29]

Lannes therefore selected another approach. Redressing his previous omissions, he entered the social aspects of diplomacy, sparing neither effort nor expense. By the end of March he was holding open house at his official residence. He hosted formal dinners, concerts, and balls to improve the French position in Lisbon, if not strictly through diplomatic means, then by a lavish display of Gallic fashions, elegance, élan, and cuisine. His plan succeeded. The Portuguese aristocracy, formerly put off by the French ambassador's arrogance and lack of social graces, vied for invitations, came early, and stayed late. They competed for the ambassadorıs presence at their own functions. Fitzgerald condemned these fickle aristocrats for their hypocrisy and their fawning submission to the French minister's gaudy displays. However, the warm responses to his social overtures did not deceive Lannes. The frequency of his audiences with the Prince Regent did not mislead him either. He held firm to his demands and complained to Dom João that satisfaction appeared long in coming. "I've seen new insults added to the old ones," he told him, "and I canıt keep quiet [about them] any longer." [30]

Dom João capitulated and granted Lannes several private audiences in quick succession. The prince forgot his earlier declaration that he would not permit the French ambassador to visit his private royal residences and received Lannes at both Queluz and Mafra. Fitzgerald discovered to his chagrin that these private audiences excluded Almeida. Therefore the British had no way to know what Lannes and Dom João discussed. Almeida could and did comment on Lannes's conduct, if nothing else, and relayed his observations readily enough. De Souza told Talleyrand once more that Lannes "simply will not conform to the customs of diplomacy and the court... Instead of politeness, he uses haughtiness and incivility, to the point of cutting the Prince Regent off in mid-sentence." [31]

One of these private audiences provides an excellent example of undiplomatic behavior and its eventual effectiveness. Lannes went to Queluz on 23 May to meet with Dom João at the appointed time. When he arrived, a court official was sent to greet him. "Well, whereıs the prince?" Lannes asked. The official later reported that his manner was "exceptionally brusque." When he informed the ambassador that the prince was in his cabinet, Lannes replied, "Tell him that if he isn't here in the next two minutes, I'm leaving." The astonished official scuttled away to deliver the message, and after a time the vicomte de Balsamaõ appeared, telling Lannes the prince would be with him shortly. "Shortly" to Lannes clearly meant one thing, while to Dom João it meant quite another. The ambassador refused to wait, turned his back on Balsamaõ, and left Queluz. The resulting diplomatic correspondence resembled a blizzard. [32] However, the French ambassador had made his point, terrified the Prince Regent once again, and guaranteed satisfaction for his demands, sooner rather than later.

Of more concern to the British than proper protocol and diplomatic manners was Lannes's refusal to communicate in writing. He did not document his audiences with Dom João and rarely wrote out his demands. Both Almeida and de Souza complained about this form of diplomatic non-compliance, for obvious reasons. Fitzgerald found it worthy of comment as well. "[Lannes] has turned over nothing in writing since his return," he wrote, "and still refuses to deal with any of the [Portuguese] ministers. When asked, the French minister replied, 'Why should I? They are more English than ever!'" [33]

The resumption of war between Great Britain and France after the breach of the Peace of Amiens resulted in increased diplomatic correspondence from Lannes, increased confusion in the Portuguese court, and increased worries for Fitzgerald. Almeida could not enlighten the British ambassador on the four or five private audiences Lannes had with Dom João, so Fitzgerald contented himself with observing that Lannes's behavior was "less offensive lately...and more attentive to the forms of decency and decorum." The hapless ambassador knew something momentous was occurring and fretted over his lack of information. Almeida explained that the increased Portuguese correspondence was meant to "keep pace with General Lannes, only from the need to administer the antidote to the poison that distills from the false, scandalous, and mischievous reports he sends to the First Consul." [34]

Meanwhile, Lannes and Fitzgerald continued their vitriolic diplomatic pas-de-deux throughout the summer. Most contemporary observers gave Lannes the victory, although some deplored the triumph of gutter tactics over ambassadorial finesse. Two examples illustrate the heights-or depths-the French ambassador felt obliged to reach to insure his own and his nation's preeminence among the credulous Portuguese and their British allies. The contest between the ambassadors' wives was no contest at all. On any state occasion, Madame Lannes outshone Lady Fitzgerald because she was elegant, clever, lovely, and exercised tact and discretion at all times. Lady Fitzgerald was awkward, obstinate, aristocratic in the worst sense of the word, large, plain, and poorly dressed. Attending the opening night of the opera in Lisbon as the honored guests of the Prince Regent, the French ambassador and his wife completely eclipsed their British counterparts. The fickle and easily impressed Portuguese nobility dearly loved and applauded a show of beauty, grace, and conspicuous consumption. In such a situation, Lannes was not above putting his best foot forward, and in this case, it was not his own but his wife's. Then there was the famous, or infamous, incident of the coaches of the British and French ambassadors passing on the way to Queluz, jockeying for position on the road and in the Prince Regent's affections. Fitzgerald kept to his right of way, but Lannes thought he would swerve just a bit and teach the British ambassador a lesson. On the orders of his master, the French coachman increased his speed and deliberately sideswiped Fitzgerald, sending his coach into the ditch and injuring his dignity. [35]

These petty triumphs did little to ameliorate the basic situation in Lisbon. In case Bonaparte had forgotten how matters stood, Lannes wrote another lengthy dispatch, listing the most obvious grievances. Portugal refused to honor the Treaty of Madrid, allowing English warships and commercial vessels to sail in and out of its ports with impunity. The émigrés were still plentiful and protected, and the government practiced a "scandalous tolerance" of the English. Portuguese ministers answered the simplest questions with platitudes or not at all. Finally, Lannes continued to suffer "personal insults." He announced that he had enough of useless correspondence with Almeida and the same empty promises from the Prince Regent. "I stopped my political communications again," he wrote, "and am keeping the most profound silence." The most entertaining verbiage in his dispatch described the Duke of Sussex, then visiting Lisbon. According to Lannes, the conduct of the duke

...is a perfect example of English perfidy and baseness. He lives here in one of Dom João's palaces, and his house, food, and servants are all furnished by the prince. He wallows in orgies with several hidalgos who have no sense of decency, and mixes with common soldiers... He's asked to meet with me, and has had several complimentary things to say about me in public, but I won't see him and ignore everything he says, refusing to give it the dignity of any response whatsoever. [36]

Dom João dismissed Almeida in August because of continued pressure from Lannes and the First Consul. Fitzgerald-and Almeida-were fooled until the end. "There is no validity to the rumors that Almeida is to be removed," the British ambassador reported. "He is too firm in his place and too well established in the favor and confidence of his sovereign to be shaken by the menace and ill-humor of one who would not only remove the servant but the master too." [37] Almeida's replacement was the Vicomte de Balsamaõ who, if not decidedly pro-French, was at least amenable to the French presence in Lisbon. Fitzgerald lamented the loss of Almeida and believed that Portugal had fallen into the hands of "those who showed a disgraceful and abject submission to a foreign power." However, Lannes's bête noire, Pina Manique, lost only his position in Customs; he remained Intendant-general of police. The government also strongly urged the last of the émigrés, de Coigny, to leave Portugal.

Realizing that he had compromised the "old alliance" and upset the British, Dom João reassured Fitzgerald that they remained on cordial terms. He promised that the British ambassador could see him whenever he wished. Dom João informed British military advisers about the state of Portuguese forces, equipment, strategy, and their ability to defend not only their homeland but their colonies. The Prince Regent mollified Fitzgerald and approved Rear Admiral Douglas Campbell's views on the defense of Brazil and the state of readiness of the Portuguese fleet to convey the Prince Regent to Brazil if necessary. [38]

While he placated the British, Dom João received on 6 September the French ambassador's unequivocal written list of demands that he insisted the government meet once and for all. Lannes's prose was no less straightforward than his speech. He blamed the English for rupturing the Peace of Amiens - "they never honored the provisions of that treaty in any case." He pointed out that British ships in Portuguese ports violated Portuguese neutrality, especially when those ships captured French goods and imprisoned Frenchmen. He accused the Portuguese government of deploying for war in the midst of peace, of granting lucrative posts to "crowds of rebellious émigrés," and of welcoming the enemies of France. He told Dom João to stop encouraging de Souza in Paris to attack him in Lisbon. Finally, Lannes stated that none of his demands were open to discussion. Dom João must answer each condition with a simple yes or no, while Lannes's courier waited to take the government's reply directly to the First Consul. [39]

The Prince Regent did not know what to do. He had dismissed both Almeida and his finance minister, whom Lannes had also disliked, he had given him private audiences, and it appeared that nothing satisfied the French ambassador. Balsamaõ wrote to the Portuguese ambassador to Great Britain that Lannes's "extraordinary note ...seemed more an anticipated declaration of war than an official note expressed in suitable terms." Several days of deliberately evasive replies followed. The Portuguese government wrote letters to all interested parties that were models of diplomatic double-talk, explaining that many of the circumstances mentioned by Lannes simply did not exist, or at least not in the manner he stated them. Yet in all this correspondence, never did the government answer with an unadorned yes or no. Bonaparte believed Lannes had made valid points and he agreed with them. He wrote to Dom João, emphasizing the items with which the Prince Regent was all too familiar. Dom João capitulated, Fitzgerald fumed, and Lannes wrote, "the English influence wanes while ours increases." [40]

Dom João became increasingly amiable toward Lannes during that autumn of 1803, realizing that friendship with France was preferable to uncomfortable scenes with Lannes and disconcerting correspondence with Bonaparte. Once the Prince Regent decided to be friendly, he cultivated the French ambassador assiduously. He gave him a diamond-studded portrait of himself, granted him free access to various palaces, and stood as godfather to Lannes's second son, who had been born in July. The change in atmosphere delighted Lannes. His dispatches took on a more cheerful, almost boasting tone. "Dom João has invited me several times to stay at Mafra," he wrote. "The Spanish and English ambassadors also came when I was there. I stayed in the palace itself, while the prince assigned them guest quarters in a nearby convent." If Lannes was enjoying himself, Fitzgerald was positively livid. He commented on the partiality and distinctions accorded Lannes, the increased personal invitations by the Prince Regent, and the "sums of money...lavished upon him by way of compensation for pretended dupes." Dom João gave Lannes permission to hunt on royal domains and told him to help himself to whatever he liked from the Royal Cabinet of Natural History. According to Fitzgerald, who kept a jealous eye on Lannes's preferential treatment, the French ambassador came away with more than £1,000 worth of objets d'art. [41]


Tallyrand
Foreign Minister Tallyrand

The Prince Regent's friendship and accessibility did not mislead Lannes. He understood that the more Dom João turned over the government to his ministers, the more appeasing he appeared to any of his adversaries. However, Lannes took advantage of his opportunities and his favored status by pressing for a treaty of neutrality between France and Portugal to cement their future relations. Lannes requested specific instructions from Talleyrand but the minister ignored him. More concerned with a treaty between France and Spain, Talleyrand intended to leave Lannes uninformed as much as possible.

Lannes discovered Talleyrand's intentions because Dom João told him when he visited Mafra. Lannes thought that his treaty, if adopted as written, would do more for Franco-Portuguese relations than another joint treaty with Spain. He expressed his frustrations in several letters, both private and official. Lannes wrote to his father-in-law, François Guéhéneuc, on 10 November 1803:

I never received a single word about the treaty with Spain, but that doesnıt surprise me. Talleyrand clearly wanted to lose the advantage and compromise me. Fortunately Iıve never done a single thing that heıs told me not to do. I wish the First Consul would get rid of this wretch who dishonors him.... Iıve decided to resign if I donıt receive complete satisfaction.... Talleyrand told de Souza "You should tell your government to consider Lannes's mission as nothing whatsoever. All the crucial decisions will be made here in Paris." [42]

Never reticent about letting anyone who irritated or offended him know exactly how he felt, Lannes wrote to Talleyrand a most undiplomatic dispatch:

Now I understand why my position in Lisbon has been so untenable. Dom João told me that when I left for Paris [last August], you informed de Souza I left Lisbon because I wanted to, that the First Consul had agreed to my departure, that you personally had done nothing to prevent it and, finally, that you advised de Souza to consider my mission in Portugal as absolutely nothing and to inform his court of that fact, since all decisions would be made in Paris. I am enclosing a copy of [de Souza's] note outlining these instructions to the Portuguese government. This infamy is either de Souza's invention to mislead Dom João or de Souza was actually authorized [by you] to give such instructions to his government. If the former is true, I expect the First Consul ... will order him out immediately. If the latter is true, then I think the First Consul will at last understand all that has injured the dignity of the French government and the perfidious acts directed against me personally. [43]

Not unduly concerned by Lannes's denunciation of his suspected double-dealings, Talleyrand nevertheless thought it was a wise course to defuse the situation with Bonaparte. Naturally the minister did not admit any wrongdoing. "I am used to [Lannes's] style of writing, [and] I hardly think that his complaints, reproaches or even the insults with which his dispatches abound, are a subject for discussion by either you or me. Therefore, I disregard this strange polemic [he has just written], and do not see a single point that warrants a decision on your part." The First Consul felt otherwise. Having already secured the dismissal of Almeida, chiefly because of Lannes's continual complaints, Bonaparte now insisted on de Souza's departure from Paris. Worried, de Souza appealed to Talleyrand, who assured him he had nothing to fear; he would take care of everything. [44] In this case, however, Bonaparte won, and by the next year Lannes's last Portuguese enemy would fall.

On 5 December, Lannes wrote a lengthy report to Bonaparte, reminding the First Consul how difficult it had been for him in Lisbon, with what adversities he had dealt, how his own government had been less than forthcoming, and how he had done a creditable job in spite of everything:

When I arrived in Lisbon I found an English army, a [Portuguese] minister chosen and paid for by England, English generals commanding Portuguese troops, the French factory dispossessed, dispersed and disorganized while the English factory controlled everything. I felt I had to fight as much with the Portuguese ministry as I did with the English. [45]

Meanwhile, the indefatigable Talleyrand decided that a separate treaty with Portugal would be better than the provisions of Article VII in the Treaty of Madrid. Talleyrand possibly considered incorporating some of Lannes's negotiations with the Prince Regent, and if he were successful, he would not give Lannes the credit. He never intended including him in these new negotiations either. Regardless of how much Lannes did or did not know, the British were well aware of the treaty discussions. Fitzgerald viewed the treaty in the darkest light. "I see not how this country [Portugal] may escape the dire calamity attendant on so flagrant a dereliction of the true principles of neutrality and friendship that have so long united her in the ties of amity and good understanding with her ancient ally," he wrote to his government. With no real friends at court, Fitzgerald watched as the Prince Regent invited Lannes to Mafra for extended visits. Although "the sports of the field seem now solely to engross his attention," the ambassador reported, "[Lannes] is really at Mafra because the treaty is being discussed in cabinet there.... Acquiescence to the treaty will result from Balsamaõ's personal influence over Dom João and the dread of the French minister that operates equally upon them all." [46]

The Prince Regent signed the treaty of neutrality on 19 December 1803. As late as January, the British ambassador was unable to see a copy. He speculated about its provisions, although he maintained that its approval by the Prince Regent was due to Lannes's "usual threats and hostility, including sending an order to General Augereau and the Army of Bayonne to prepare to invade Portugal." [47]

However, the First Consul refused to approve the treaty as it stood, and instructed Lannes to amend it with specific terms more favorable to France. Lannes therefore had another opportunity to achieve his goals without interference from Talleyrand and with Bonaparte's support.

The diplomatic maneuvering lasted two months but Lannes succeeded. Fitzgerald missed nothing, and his concerned dispatches generated instructions from Downing Street. He was told to obtain a copy of the treaty and all other official communications between Portugal and France, and then insist on an audience with the Prince Regent. The British government considered any Portuguese subsidy to France as "an act of aid to His Majestyıs enemies, [that] would therefore entitle His Majesty to consider Portugal itself as an enemy." During Lannes's efforts to secure Portuguese approval of the treaty, the diplomatic community noticed that the Prince Regent "seldom appears without Lannes at his side; he sends him invitations to all functions, and even has him to dine, an honor and distinction never before practiced by the prince of Portugal, which has not even been granted to HRH the Duke of Sussex or [certain] of the princeıs own relations." [48]

Dom João signed the new treaty that Lannes had dictated on 19 March 1804, promising to pay a $16 million subsidy to France for its guarantee of neutrality and to extend generous commercial favors for French products after the war with England. Fitzgerald wrote that the treaty's success was due entirely to Lannes's "resolution of treating only with the Prince in person, to whom he has free access, which gives him a decided advantage over me, who must, of course, be governed by the rules of decorum and respect." [49]

With the conclusion of this diplomatic maneuver, Lannes felt vindicated. He wrote again to his father-in-law, this time in a more cheerful vein:

I've just gotten the signatures on my new treaty, which has exactly the same provisions as my old one [which was never signed]. That miserable Talleyrand, instead of applauding everything I've done, is still looking for evidence of chicanery; but I think the First Consul will see through him. I've done the impossible-obtained the best advantages for our commercial interests and negated British influence in Portugal.... The British ambassador [Fitzgerald] stops at nothing to discredit and insult me, [but] heıs nothing more than a dog whose bark is worse than his bite. [50]

Lannes enjoyed peaceful and increasingly cordial relations with Dom João, spending most of his time in pleasant diplomatic and social functions. On 10 May, the French ambassador had a solemn mass and Te Deum celebrated in the Lisbon Church of the Loretto, to which he invited the diplomatic corps and the Portuguese aristocracy. The Te Deum celebrated both the discovery of the Cadoudal plot against the First Consul and the new, peaceful understanding between Portugal and France. That same evening, Lannes hosted a concert, a ball, and a splendid midnight supper at his official residence, attended by virtually everyone important in Lisbon. [51]

Since both France and Portugal were now in accord, at least on paper, and since the First Consul had just become Emperor Napoleon, Lannes believed his diplomatic functions were at an end. He wrote often to Napoleon and Talleyrand, asking permission to return to France. To the Emperor he wrote, "Accustomed for the last ten years [sic] to fighting at your side, sharing your dangers, and spilling my blood for you, who more that I should be with you now? Please do not keep me from your coronation.... If I wanted to be with you in times of peril, then why should I not be there during times of glory?" He pleaded with Talleyrand as well. "Stuck here in the most secluded corner of Europe, I hate to miss all the events and the opportunity to pay my respects to the Emperor in person. More than ever, I request my recall." Receiving permission to leave Lisbon, Lannes presented his letters of recall to the Prince Regent on 18 July and appointed General Jean-Matthieu Sérurier to head the French legation until a new ambassador could be chosen. [52]


General Andoche Junot
General Andoche Junot succeeeded Lannes in Portugal in 1805

In European diplomatic history, Lannes's brief and unconventional ambassadorial career is either mentioned as an amusing incident or ignored altogether. The diplomatic community perceived him as a rude, upstart military man, hardly someone to take seriously. Lannes never had a family member to write a detailed and favorable account of his sojourn in Lisbon, so the best evaluation of his diplomatic efforts comes from his dispatches and correspondence in various archives. Writers of memoirs provide the local color but, as usual, their prejudices and the exigencies of their times influenced what they wrote.

In spite of his picaresque methods, Lannes took his diplomatic mission seriously. This impetuous and untrained general attended to the smallest details of his new job, determined to protect the interests of his country as Bonaparte had instructed him. More than 1,000 pieces of correspondence written in less than two years attest to his diligence and overall effectiveness. By the time he left Lisbon he had become a clever if unconventional negotiator. Lannes kept his friendship with Dom João, corresponding with him from time to time. Portuguese writers speculate that this friendship led Lannes to refuse command of the Army of Portugal, since he did not want to invade the country of a prince who had been his friend. General Andoche Junot, the ambassador who succeeded Lannes in Portugal in 1805, clearly had no such reservations. Méneval accurately described Lannes as a minister, believing that "the cause of France was better served by our ambassador's impetuous nature than by the skills of the most consummate diplomat." [53]


Notes

  1. For a discussion of both the professional and amateurish qualities of the Napoleonic diplomatic corps, see Edward Whitcomb, Napoleon's Diplomatic Service. (Durham, NC, 1979).
  2. Claude-François Méneval. Memoirs of Napoleon Bonaparte and the Court of the First Empire. 3 vols. (New York, 1910), I: 166.
  3. See: Edgar Prestage, "The Anglo-Portuguese Alliance." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 4th Series. 17 (London, 1934): 69-71; Sir Richard Lodge, "The English Factory at Lisbon. Some Chapters in its History." Transactions of the Royal Historical Society. 4th Series. 16 (London, 1933): 230-42.
  4. David Francis. Portugal 1715-1818. Joanine, Pombaline and Rococo Portugal as Seen by British Diplomats and Traders. (London, 1985), 216-26.
  5. Laure Junot, duchesse D'Abrantès. Memoirs of the Emperor Napoleon. 3 vols. (London, 1891), II, 309-10.
  6. France, Archives Nationales, AF IV, MSS, Carton 1689, dossier 2 (hereafter cited as AN AF IV), Lannes to Bonaparte, 24 August 1803.
  7. France, Archives Diplomatiques, Ministère des Affaires Étrangères, Correspondance politique: Portugal, MSS, (hereafter cited as AE Portugal), Order, 14 November 1801; Talleyrand to Lannes, 15 November 1801; Lannes to Talleyrand, 14 November and 26 November 1801, vol. 122; Méneval, Memoirs, I, 167.
  8. AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 27 December 1801, vol. 122; Great Britain, Public Record Office, Foreign Office, MSS, Portugal, (hereafter cited as PRO/FO Portugal), 63/39, Hookham Frere to Lord Hawkesbury, 19 March 1801.
  9. Le Moniteur, No 191, 11 germinal an 10; Cobbett's Annual Register. Vol. I. January-June 1802. (London, 1802), 468-69.
  10. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/39, Hookham Frere to Almeida, 31 March 1802.
  11. D'Abrantès, II: 307.
  12. AE Portugal, Lannes to Bonaparte, 3 April 1803, vol. 124; AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 24 August 1803; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Hookham Frere to Hawkesbury, 19 June 1802; AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 27 March 1802, vol. 123.
  13. D'Abrantès, II: 240; Archives Nationales, AF IV, Carton 1689, dossier 2, Lannes to Talleyrand, 27 March 1802.
  14. AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 16 April 1802.
  15. AN AF IV, Lannes to Almeida, 6 and 11 May 1802; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Hookham Frere to Hawkesbury, 26 May 1802; Alfred Dumaine. "Le général Lannes à Lisbon." Revue d'histoire diplomatique, 42 (1928): 119.
  16. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/39, Almeida to Hookham Frere, 29 April 1802; AN AF IV, de Souza to Talleyrand, 23 May 1802; AE Portugal, Talleyrand to Bonaparte, 28 June 1802, vol. 123.
  17. AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 20 April 1802, vol. 123.
  18. Alexandre-Jean de Clercq. Recueil des traités de la France 1713-1906. (Paris, 1861-1919), I, 435-37; AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 29 March 1803; Méneval, Memoirs, I, 171.
  19. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Hookham Frere to Hawkesbury, 12 June 1802; AE Portugal, Lannes to Bonaparte, 30 May 1802, de Souza to Talleyrand, 15 June 1802, Almeida to de Souza, 10 June 1802, Talleyrand to Bonaparte, 28 June 1802, vol. 123. See also: AE Portugal, Lannes to Dom João, 30 July 1802, vol. 123; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Hookham Frere to Hawkesbury, 13 August 1802.
  20. AE Portugal, Lannes to Dom João, 30 July 1802, vol. 123; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Almeida to Hookham Frere, 10 August 1802; Hookham Frere to Hawkesbury, 13 August 1802.
  21. AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 25 August 1802; Dom João to Bonaparte, 19 October 1802; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Hookham Frere to Hawkesbury, no date.
  22. AE Portugal, Talleyrand to Lannes, 1 September 1802, vol. 123;Correspondance de Napoléon Ier, publiée par l'ordre de l'Empereur Napoléon III. 32 vols. (Paris, 1858-1870), No 6253, Bonaparte to Talleyrand, 15 August 1802, VIII, 718.
  23. AE Portugal, Lannes to Bonaparte, 1 September 1802, vol. 123.
  24. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/40, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 11 December 1802; 2 January and 22 February 1803.
  25. AN AF IV, Dom João to Bonaparte, 19 October 1802; Correspondance de Napoléon Ier, No 6537, Bonaparte to Talleyrand, 12 January 1803, Bonaparte to the Prince Regent, 14 January 1803, VIII, 219, 222; AE Portugal, Talleyrand to de Souza, 14 January 1803; Bonaparte to Lannes, 13 May 1803, vol. 124.
  26. AN AF IV, Lannes to Talleyrand, 7 November 1803.
  27. D'Abrantès, Memoirs, II, 240.
  28. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/41, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 3 March 1803; AE Portugal, Lannes to Bonaparte, 25 March 1803, vol. 124.
  29. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/41, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 19 March and 27 March 1803.
  30. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/43, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 13 February 1804; AE Portugal, Lannes to Dom João, 28 April 1803, vol. 124.
  31. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/41, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 16 April 1803; AN AF IV, de Souza to Talleyrand, 5 April 1803.
  32. AN AF IV, Dom João to Bonaparte, 23 May 1803; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/41, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 26 May 1803; AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 23 May 1803, vol. 124.
  33. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/41, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 16 April and 8 May 1803.
  34. Ibid., Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 8 June and 22 July 1803.
  35. D'Abrantès, II: 240; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/42, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 31 October 1803.
  36. AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 7 August 1803; PRO/FO, 63/41, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 22 July 1803.
  37. Ibid., Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 23 April 1803.
  38. Ibid., Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 8 May, 18 May, 26 May, and 8 June 1803.
  39. AE Portugal, Lannes to Dom João, 6 September 1803; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/42, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 6 September 1803.
  40. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/42, Balsamaõ to de Souza Coutinho, 11 September 1803; Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 8 September 1803; AE Portugal, Bonaparte to Dom João, 27 September 1803; Lannes to Talleyrand, 9 October 1803, vol. 124.
  41. AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 27 July 1803; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/42, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 29 September 1803. For the Portuguese version of this occasion, see: Angelo Pereira, Dom João, Principe e Rei. 2 vols. (Lisbon, 1953), I, 101; Damiao Peres and Eluetério Cerdeira, História de Portugal. 8 vols. (Barcelos, 1928), VI, 292-96. See also: AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 20 October 1803, vol. 124; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/42, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 31 October 1803.
  42. Général Charles-Antoine Thoumas. Le maréchal Lannes. (Paris, 1891), 96.
  43. AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 10 November 1803, vol. 124.
  44. Ibid., Talleyrand to Bonaparte, 28 November 1803; de Souza to Talleyrand; Talleyrand to de Souza, 29 November 1803.
  45. Ibid., Lannes to Bonaparte, 5 December 1803.
  46. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/42, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 14 November and 26 November 1803.
  47. Ibid., 63/43, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 7 January 1804
  48. Ibid., 63/43, Downing Street to Fitzgerald, 21 January 1804; Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 13 February 1804.
  49. Cobbett's Political Register, 24 March 1804, V, 464; de Clercq, Receuil des traités, II, 86-87; PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/43, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 12 March and 11 April 1804.
  50. Thoumas, Lannes, 98.
  51. PRO/FO, Portugal, 63/43, Fitzgerald to Hawkesbury, 15 May 1804; AN AF IV, Lannes to Bonaparte, 12 and 13 May 1804.
  52. AN AF IV, Lannes to Napoleon, 6 June 1804; AE Portugal, Lannes to Talleyrand, 21 May and 30 July 1804, vol. 125.
  53. Pereira, Dom João, I, 103-104; Méneval, Memoirs, I, 170-71.




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